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Showing posts with label Political Science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political Science. Show all posts

Woke society replicates 1970s mice experiment

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Human studies used to disprove findings from Universe 25 may have been 50 years too early. 

In the 1960s and 70s, the American ethologist and behavioural researcher John B. Calhoun conducted an experiment with mice to better understand the effects of population density on behaviour. The experiment, conducted at the National Institute of Mental Health, was known as Universe 25. It consisted of a predator-free, 9-foot square pen with nesting boxes and unlimited food, water, and nesting materials but limited space.

The results were surprising. Rather than physical density, the more limiting idea of ‘social density’ suggested a bleak future for humans living in urban environments. While Calhoun was controversial for ‘anthropomorphising’ his findings, it shocked me how Universe 25 mirrors what is happening in our increasingly Woke Western world.

Alexandra Marshall had this to say in the Unfiltered newsletter:

Giving politics a break for a moment, there is a great little article from Michael de Percy today in which a mouse experiment from the 60s/70s that might explain why our culture is going so horribly wrong. Its mice even started ‘going Woke’ (well, a mouse version of Woke). The major lesson, beyond the entertainment, is that models and expert consensus do not always correctly predict reality. Given the topic involved is ‘population growth’, this is certainly something that needs more thought.

My opinion piece in The Spectator Australia, Woke society replicates 1970s mice experiment.

The Menzies Ascendency Book Launch

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Michael Kirby, Michael de Percy, and Paul Kelly at King and Wood Mallesons, Sydney

This week I attended the launch of the Robert Menzies Institute volume, The Menzies Ascendency Fortune, Stability, Progress 1954–1961, at a Sydney Institute event held at King and Wood Mallesons in Sydney. Zachary Gorman edited the volume, published by Melbourne University Press.

My chapter in the volume was on Menzies in the Atomic Age.

Australian legends, Michael Kirby and Paul Kelly, were the guest speakers.

I was able to ask a question about governments trying to establish a vision and how this gets in the way of them creating the conditions that enable individuals to thrive. The response is in the video below.

From the bottom of the sea to the moon: Menzies and Australia’s communications golden age

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The OTC NASA Satellite Earth Station at Carnarvon, Western Australia


On Sunday 23rd November 2024, I delivered my presentation on Menzies and Australia's communications golden age at the Robert Menzies Institute's Annual Conference. Fittingly, I delivered my presentation online via Zoom from Madrid. The recording of my presentation and the slides are available below.

Abstract

For someone who merely ‘endured’ television, Robert Menzies played a major role in Australia’s communications golden age. Ironically, Menzies oversaw a scientific and technological revolution during his tenure as prime minister that endures. Australia was not only connected with the rest of the world by cables under the sea, but the nation played a major role in landing humans on the moon, a feat of exploration yet to be surpassed. To his critics, Menzies was a ‘pompous, anachronistic, forelock-tugging Establishment figure, who held back the tide of Australia’s potential and denied the country its independent greatness’. But the historical record demonstrates that Menzies was interested in new technologies such as his 1940s personal 16mm home movie camera, and he was eager to support the United States in its quest to win the ‘space race’. Menzies oversaw Australia’s golden age of communication which included the coaxial cable link between Sydney, Canberra, and Melbourne, the COMPAC cable that provided a telephone link to Britain and the Commonwealth, and Australia’s membership of the International Telecommunications Satellite Consortium. Ultimately, Menzies’ legacy led to the launch of an Australian satellite from Woomera and helped save the ill-fated Apollo 13 mission. Paul Keating, however, said that this period was ‘the golden age when Australia was injected with a near lethal dose of old-fogeyism by the conservative parties… when they put the country into neutral and where we gently ground to a halt in the nowhere land of the early 1980s’. Nothing could be further from the truth. The portrayal of Menzies (and the Coalition since) as ‘anti-science’ and ‘anti-future’ for political gain denies his rightful place in Australia’s advancement. This paper, then, traces Menzies role in the golden age of communications in Australia and his enduring legacy.

Slides

The Manifestation of Modern Communism

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The House of Terror in Budapest 16 June 2023. Admin staff upstairs, dungeons and gallows below.

The Manifestation of Modern Communism: Wokism as Political Ideology

Western liberal democracy and the liberal arts and Judeo-Christian tradition are currently under attack from anti-Western sentiment; not from outside, but from inside the West. Modern identity politics and Woke ideology is replicating he mechanisms of Communism to enforce compliance with a raft of Woke tropes that support identity politics. Rather than enabling people to live as they wish as long as they do not hurt themselves or others, Woke ideology attempts to enforce people to respect other's ideas, ideologies, and identities, rather than their right to choose. This presentation considers Wokism as a political ideology and outlines how the Woke agenda represents the manifestation of Modern Communism.

Woke is little more than Modern Communism

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Alexandra Marshall Live, 2024 Season, Episode 7, discussing political ideologies 

I am working on a presentation on the Manifestation of Modern Communism. Alexandra asked me to talk about political ideologies, so this worked in well with my future presentation.

The link to the video is below:

Conservatives have no solutions, or so the story goes

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Adam Smith, the Father of Capitalism and a key proponent of classical liberalism (1723-1790) [CC0]

My latest in The Spectator Australia, Conservatives have no solutions, or so the story goes.

Alexandra Marshall in Unfiltered:

Leading Flat White, Michael de Percy addresses the criticism that ‘conservatives only have complaints, not solutions’ where he rightly points out that socialists keep inventing ‘solutions’ to problems that don’t exist which triggers some of these complaints. In this case, the best solution is to simply stop doing stupid things. If only the left would listen.

Terry Barnes in Morning Double-Shot:

But in the very next piece, Michael de Percy castigates conservatives and classical liberals for not having any solutions at all, and hence always playing catch-up to the Left. De Percy insists he’s a classical liberal and not a conservative, but we’ve said it before and we’ll say it again: until the Centre-Right agrees on what unites us and defines who we are and what we stand for, the ideological wilderness is ours for years to come. Labels like ‘conservative’ and ‘classical liberal’ simply are barriers to ever finding that unity.

Politicians must permit Australians to speak up

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19th-century liberal philosopher, John Stuart Mill.

At a recent public meeting in regional Australia, I asked what politicians could do to capitalise on the current mood to ensure the wokerati come to an inglorious end at the next election. One politician replied, ‘We need to give Australian citizens permission to speak up.’ I couldn’t agree more.

The truth is that many of us are being cancelled or censored and our voices are not being heard in the public sphere. It is time for that to change.

Freedom of speech is central to the success of liberal democracy, but many of our institutions appear hell-bent on rejecting liberal democratic practice. Our political representatives must turn the tables back on these institutions. My latest article in The Spectator Australia:

Labor are the masters of their own demise

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The 'catch-all' party of Keating has become the 'upset-all' party of Albanese

The Albanese government’s dictatorial policy of renewables at all costs was always going to bring about its demise. Following the defeat of the divisive Voice to Parliament Referendum, the Prime Minister has been labelled a ‘beta male’, defined as a ‘submissive, feeble-minded, and weak man’. With Labor’s planned republic referendum now hopefully shelved until their defeat at the next election, renewables policy is one area where we can expect rapid desperation from the Prime Minister to create some sort of legacy in the short time he has left. 

From The Spectator's "Unfiltered" newsletter:

The stand-out piece this morning goes to Michael de Percy, who writes that ‘Labor are the masters of their own demise’. ‘Labor’s energy policy has recast Labor from the ‘catch-all’ party of Keating to the ‘upset-all’ party of Albanese.’ He adds that instead of Albanese being a ‘conviction politician’ – as he has branded himself – we would be better calling him a ‘consensus politician’.

From my latest article in The Spectator Australia's Flat White, Labor are the masters of their own demise:

My presentation at the Robert Menzies Institute's Annual Conference

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My paper at the Robert Menzies Institute's Annual Conference 2023

The video recording of my presentation is available below:

The Menzies Ascendency: Australia in the Atomic Age

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Keith Rigg (R) with Sir Robert Menzies signing a bat, circa 1950 [Rigg Family Album CC BY 3.0]

I will present my final paper for the Robert Menzies Institute's Third Annual Conference, 'The Menzies Ascendency: Implementing a Liberal Agenda and Consolidating Gains, 1954-1961' on Friday 24th November 2023. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the University of Canberra's  Faculty of Business, Government and Law Seminar Series in May 2023.

The slides and abstract from my final presentation are below, along with a podcast episode with Georgina Downer, CEO of the Robert Menzies Institute:

Abstract

Menzies embraced the atomic age rather more enthusiastically than many other Australians. He envisaged Australia’s substantial uranium and thorium reserves providing Australia with a source of clean, reliable, and affordable energy that would ultimately replace fossil fuels. But he also knew that “what is best advertised tends to be more popularly understood”. Despite the opening of a nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights in 1958 to “test materials for their suitability in use in future power reactors”, the purpose of Australia’s first nuclear reactor was gradually reduced to producing medical radioisotopes and conducting research. Menzies faced similar concerns about the safety of nuclear reactors, the propensity for conflating nuclear industries with nuclear weapons, and storing nuclear waste to those concerns political leaders face today. But with Australia’s strategic defence capabilities enhanced by nuclear-powered submarines through the AUKUS agreement, and the absence of a ‘Plan B’ for a carbon-neutral future, the unrealised potential of Australia’s atomic age has manifested into the very lack of skills Menzies was concerned about in 1962. The Lucas Heights facility was more than just a case of hubris, or “what are they doing here that can't be better done elsewhere?” It provided opportunities for training Australian scientists and sharing and transferring nuclear-related research and knowledge. At the same time, recently declassified documents suggest that Menzies aimed to develop Australia’s nuclear capability amid eleven years of atomic weapons tests conducted by Britain in Australia. While much has been written about “nuclear colonialism” following the Royal Commission into the tests, very little attention has been given to the unrealised potential of Australia’s nuclear industry envisaged during the atomic age. This paper, then, traces the development and subsequent stagnation of the nuclear industry in Australia, with a focus on Menzies’ legacy and its influence on energy and defence policy today.


Public Policy: From the Hustings

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Public policy textbooks from my undergraduate degree

Below are the slides for my online presentation to CEDA's Public Policy Dynamics course on 14th November 2023. My aim is to highlight the political side of the policy process that is rarely seen by public servants working in policy roles within government. The presentation draws on my experience as an academic and as a practitioner.

Whither journalism for the common people?

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Leigh Hunt, the quintessential journalist

Who knew that news media services would become so partisan that they would support government agendas that conflict with the common people? The Albanese government is attempting to prioritise the failing ABC and SBS news services over other news on smart TVs and social media while also trying to control ‘the truth’ through its proposed Combating Misinformation and Disinformation Bill. The recent Voice Referendum demonstrated how out of touch the mainstream media has become.

In the absence of journalism that gives a voice to the trials and travails of the common people, the fourth estate – and therefore liberal democracy itself – is under threat.

Here is my latest article in The Spectator Australia's Flat White, Whither journalism for the common people?

The people have spoken, but elite activists aren't listening

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Prime Minister Albanese [Photo: US Secretary of Defense - CC BY 2.0]

Not only was it an expensive exercise at the height of a cost of living crisis, the Prime Minister oversaw a campaign that tore Australia apart along the lines of race like never before in this nation's history

Developing our own capability: Australia’s Nuclear Journey

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Michael de Percy with Georgina Downer, Afternoon Light Podcast, Robert Menzies Institute

It was under Robert Menzies that Australia entered the nuclear age with the opening of the Lucas Heights Reactor in 1958. 65 years on, what looked to be the first step in a much bigger story remains practically the only step Australia has taken towards harnessing the potency of the atom to power our nation. As nuclear energy once again appears on the political radar, it is worth taking a look back and seeing what potential Australians once saw in nuclear and what could have been. 

In this week’s episode of the Afternoon Light podcast, Robert Menzies Institute CEO Georgina Downer talks to Dr Michael de Percy about how Menzies represents Australia’s unrealised nuclear potential. 

Dr Michael de Percy FRSA FCILT is Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Canberra. His qualifications include a PhD in Political Science from the Australian National University, a Bachelor of Philosophy (Honours) from the University of Canberra, and a Bachelor of Arts from Deakin University. He is a graduate of the Royal Military College, Duntroon, where he received the Royal Australian Artillery prize. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, a Chartered Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport and Vice-Chair of the ACT and Southern NSW Chapter, Vice President of the Telecommunications Association (TelSoc - Australia's oldest learned society), Public Policy Editor of the Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy, and a member of the Australian Nuclear Association. He was appointed to the Australian Research Council's College of Experts in 2022.

The podcast is available on YouTube or Spotify:


Australia in the Atomic Age: Menzies’ legacy and nuclear’s unrealised potential

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High Flux Australian Reactor (HIFAR), Lucas Heights, opened in 1958.

Tomorrow I will present this work in progress for a paper for the Robert Menzies Institute's Third Annual Conference, 'The Menzies Ascendency: Implementing a Liberal Agenda and COnsolidating Gains, 1954-1961'.

The slides and abstract from my work-in-progress presentation are below. 

Slides

Abstract

Menzies embraced the atomic age rather more enthusiastically than many other Australians. He envisaged Australia’s substantial uranium and thorium reserves providing Australia with a source of clean, reliable, and affordable energy that would ultimately replace fossil fuels. But he also knew that “what is best advertised tends to be more popularly understood”. Despite the opening of a nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights in 1958 to “test materials for their suitability in use in future power reactors”, the purpose of Australia’s first nuclear reactor was gradually reduced to producing medical radioisotopes and conducting research. Menzies faced similar concerns about the safety of nuclear reactors, the propensity for conflating nuclear industries with nuclear weapons, and storing nuclear waste to those concerns political leaders face today. But with Australia’s strategic defence capabilities enhanced by nuclear-powered submarines through the AUKUS agreement, and the absence of a ‘Plan B’ for a carbon-neutral future, the unrealised potential of Australia’s atomic age has manifested into the very lack of skills Menzies was concerned about in 1962. The Lucas Heights facility was more than just a case of hubris, or “what are they doing here that can't be better done elsewhere?” It provided opportunities for training Australian scientists and sharing and transferring nuclear-related research and knowledge. At the same time, recently declassified documents suggest that Menzies aimed to develop Australia’s nuclear capability amid eleven years of atomic weapons tests conducted by Britain in Australia. While much has been written about “nuclear colonialism” following the Royal Commission into the tests, very little attention has been given to the unrealised potential of Australia’s nuclear industry envisaged during the atomic age. This paper, then, traces the development and subsequent stagnation of the nuclear industry in Australia, with a focus on Menzies’ legacy and its influence on energy and defence policy today.

Memes: The Road to Collectivism

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As politics becomes increasingly polarised, policymakers are no longer focused on giving voters what they want, but on making voters want what they are given. Rather than presenting policies as rational choices for individual voters, policies increasingly ignore the intelligence of individuals in support of a collectivist agenda.

Here is my latest article in The Spectator's Flat White, Memes: The Road to Collectivism:

Divide et Impera: Culture wars and the end of pluralism

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"Me trying to live my life" Tuba Meme

Pluralism – or the ‘doctrine of multiplicity’ - tends to go hand-in-hand with liberal democracy. Based on the concept of ‘freedom of assembly and association’, individuals are generally free to protest peacefully or be part of non-violent groups and to organise around common interests and promote their views publicly. This has not always been the case.

Leading Flat White, Michael de Percy believes that the ‘divide and conquer’ mentality dominating the Culture Wars is on the verge of winning. ‘Pluralism – or the “doctrine of multiplicity” – tends to go hand-in-hand with liberal democracy. Based on the concept of ‘freedom of assembly and association’, individuals are generally free to protest peacefully or be part of non-violent groups and to organise around common interests and promote their views publicly. This has not always been the case.’ He goes on to add, ‘How times have changed…’

Here is my latest article in The Spectator's Flat White, Divide et Impera: The end of pluralism.

Beyond NBN: Improving digital inclusion through a National Digital Communications Strategy

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Korean art: Chatting at a well at night

Beyond NBN — new research suggests that advancing Australia’s digital economy and improving digital inclusion needs to start with a National Digital Communications Strategy led by the Federal Government.

The research examined lessons from other developed nations — the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Singapore, and Republic of Korea - which indicate that user-focused or demand-side policies are key to an accessible and inclusive Australian digital communications strategy.

The presenters explain how COVID-19 restrictions exposed the importance of digital inclusion and demand-side policies, for example, enabling vulnerable groups, such as the elderly, to develop digital literacy skills to utilise online services, when in-person services were no longer an option.

The findings support existing policies including, for example, Service NSW-assisted digital services in shopfronts and elsewhere, and digital classrooms in Seoul Citizens Hall - a multipurpose space in the South Korean capital.

The research determines that the ongoing enhancement and usage of the National Broadband Network needs to be drawn into a broader policy, where broadband services are part of a digital communications ‘ecosystem’, led by the Federal Government, but integrated with the State Governments as social policy.

This presentation is an outcome of a TelSoc internship project at the University of Canberra. A paper on the subject was published in the last issue of the Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy.



GMT_20230221 from TelSoc on Vimeo.

On Labor's Heraclitus; or, The Fragments of Socialism

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Democritus and Heraclitus

My copy of The Fragments of Heraclitus translates his most famous line as: ‘Into the same river we both step and do not step. We both are and are not.’ We are all part of the economic system of capitalism, but we do not all agree on the role of government in the economy. Using Heraclitus’s statement to signal that we need a ‘new’ type of capitalism is misguided. Here’s why.

Here is my latest article in The Spectator Australia, On Labor’s Heraclitus: the fragments of socialism.

A Grassroots Revival of Conservative Politics

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Dr Michael de Percy presenting at the Public Policy Network 2020 Conference.

John Howard and Peter Costello are right to remind the federal government that we are 'robbing the future to pay for [the] present'. With Treasurer Jim Chalmers’ warning about Australia’s ageing population setting up the scene for an 'important announcement' (which will probably mean the stage 3 tax cuts will be removed and taxes will be increased), the time is ripe for the Coalition to put forward what they do best – reforms. Coinciding the reforms required within the party (as set out in the recent review of the party) with a policy platform based on conservative values will provide a clear distinction between Labor and the government-in-waiting. But that alone will not be enough. What is needed is a grassroots revival of conservative politics in Australia.

Here is my latest article in The Spectator's Flat White, A Grassroots Revival of Conservative Politics:

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