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Toward a new ideology

Francis Fukuyama once suggested that the rise and rise of liberal democracy had ushered in the end of ideology. Liberalism had won the day and ideology was a remnant of the past. One of the problems with this view is that we might reasonably agree that humanity has reached the pinnacle of existence and therefore there is little more to be done now. Markets are the most efficient way of delivering goods and services and personal choice is a private issue which is beyond the reach of governments. There is little doubt there is merit to this approach, particularly where real competition exists and businesses focus on competing to meet the needs of society. However, one of my students' contributions to a discussion recently (roughly translating Marx) challenged this perceived wisdom with a statement that 'the market can never meet social goals because businesses only ever meet yesterday's needs - businesses will not meet the needs of tomorrow until tomorrow is yesterday'. Such moments of brilliance make the business of teaching a learning experience which can rock your world in the most amazing ways.

This got me thinking about the role of the university in terms of creating knowledge and developing new ways of 'doing business'. Should universities follow trends or create new trends? Can universities create new knowledge by following trends? Have we really reached the pinnacle of human existence or have we just become lazy? Is there a case for a new ideology?

In addressing these questions, my usual approach is to refer to history to identify the trends, cycles, and the ways in which our predecessors dealt with similar problems in earlier times. There is little doubt that universities and university students have played a significant role in bringing about beneficial changes to society and its attitudes. Student activism has been significant in bringing about changes which have become the norm over time - despite the beginnings of change being viewed as 'rocking the boat' to the extent where people were arrested for their activism.

A recent documentary on the federal government's decision to over-rule the damming of the Franklin River is a case in point - many of the original proponents of the dam agree now that the economic benefits of tourism have far outweighed the short-term economic benefits the dam would have achieved. The economic benefits of tourism have provided a sustainable alternative to the short-term solution yet many of the people who initiated the changes were viewed as 'dirty greenies' who did nothing other than disrupt the normal order of things. Over time, those 'dirty greenies' have not only been accepted as the change agents who brought about societal support for environmental protection, but these same people (such as Bob Brown) have been acknowledged as people of principle who stayed true to their cause despite the odds. The usual story of global heroes includes a long list of Mahatma Ghandis, Nelson Mandelas, Martin Luther Kings and Bob Browns who stayed true to their cause despite the odds. People to be admired in history, but in their time to be ostracised - people who had to 'put their body on the line' to bring about changes but at a cost which deters the average person from ever bothering. Is it all worth the personal cost? One might argue that yes it is because the Bob Browns and the Nelson Mandelas and the Mahatma Ghandis proved themselves through adversity. This process actually provides limits to ensure that snake-oil merchants and others do not trick people into believing in their personally motivated causes. Fair enough you might say and I would agree.

But what about the role of universities? Does one have to sacrifice their livelihood, integrity, status in society, personal relationships, personal freedoms and the like to prove that a societal change can be beneficial? If we have such a focus on 'efficiency', is this an efficient way to trial new approaches to doing business? Obviously, changing the way we do business on a whim brings a whole series of new problems. But many innovative companies deal with this issue by enabling a certain percentage of their business to be experimental while maintaining their core business - enabling the company to innovate without putting all their eggs in one basket, so to speak. Similarly, society would benefit from having an incubator for new ideas.

Enter the role of the university. Traditionally, universities were the place where new innovations not only occurred, but were encouraged. Universities were seen as the place to experiment, to test and to trial new ways of 'doing business'. One of the problems facing the traditional 'knowledge generators' is that Australian universities are challenged by contemporary needs to be 'efficient' and 'effective' in a political climate where business rules the roost. Universities are required to generate profits (or, put simply, to adopt a market model to sustain themselves), not to generate knowledge which has been their traditional role. I take issue with the new focus - if universities are not about generating knowledge, then what do they do? Some would argue that universities are there to train future workers, to enable businesses to get on with the job of meeting social goals. But if business can only meet yesterday's social goals, then who is charged with the responsibility to meet the social goals of tomorrow?

My philosophical approach to teaching requires universities to provide a safe space for future leaders. Students should be able to make mistakes which do not affect society-at-large. To enable this type of learning through experimentation, universities cannot be conservative institutions, nor demand that university students meet the usual expectations of society while on-campus. To do so is to restrict creativity, free speech and free thinking individuals to a space which occupies the same space of society-at-large. Providing a safe space for free-thinking individuals to make mistakes and by doing so, find new solutions to tomorrow's problems, can only be of benefit to society and in my view should be encouraged. Indeed, the personal sacrifices which the contemporary focus on innovation entails will certainly reinforce the past, rather than focus on the future, unless there is some part of our society which provides a place to 'practise' innovating. Unlike explicit knowledge, entrepreneurial knowledge and innovation skills do not necessarily follow the patterns of experience which can be documented, packaged and taught in a traditional manner.

I suspect that my student is correct - business can only provide tomorrow's solutions to yesterday’s problems. Universities provide an established institution which generates knowledge, but to focus universities on generating profit is to take away the role of higher education institutions and to move to a system which supports the conservative way of doing business. Without universities, there is no real 'ideas incubator' and the social ramifications of such an oversight can only be detrimental to our future.

The trouble is that universities take away public funds which justifiably need to be accounted for in society's economic equation. In a time of global economic uncertainty this is quite reasonable. Nonetheless, it does not cost anything for universities to provide a 'safe space' to facilitate social, economic and political experimentation. Indeed, the culture of the particular organisation will determine, to a large extent, the manner in which university staff and students are encouraged or discouraged from experimenting and testing new ways of doing business. But the university which finds a new and useful way of 'doing business' will no doubt receive accolades in the future.

In the meantime, this crucial yet overlooked part of society is losing its importance at a time where no other institution has the capacity to develop a new ideology - if you like, a systematic way of viewing the world and dealing with the complexities of maintaining a cohesive civil society (or a new way of doing business). The value of universities cannot be over-stated, particularly where changes can be implemented which do not cost anything other than the ego-challenge associated with a change in attitude. Unfortunately, recent approaches to university governance echo the remnants of the past. Meanwhile, new ways of doing business escape us as we idly watch the demise of an institution which has proven itself time and again throughout human history to bring about beneficial changes. If Australia’s only hope is to follow others who have the courage to be different, it is a source of shame to a nation which once took great pride in its ability to innovate in the face of adversity. Liberalism is only the end if we choose it do be so, and while the problems (such as stagflation) which enabled the rise of neoliberalism to take a hold globally are re-emerging in Britain (where it all began), who will develop the new ideology?

National Sorry Day

Below is the transcript of a speech I delivered at the National Sorry Day ceremony at the University of Canberra, 4 June 2008. I dedicate this speech to my niece, Marley, who is Torres Strait Islander and part of my family.
Good afternoon. I must say I am pleased to be able to speak here today. For many years I wanted to live and work in Canberra as a political scientist, and fortunately I speak here today in that capacity. My position as a lecturer in politics here at the University of Canberra, Australia’s Capital University, has provided me with the opportunity to practice my craft close to the centre of government. But for some reason, nothing really happened in Canberra from the time I arrived in 1999 until 13 February this year when the Rudd Government offered a broad apology to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and particularly the Stolen Generations for their "profound grief, suffering and loss". Ten years of nothing, and then suddenly one of the most significant milestones in Australian political history. Ten years of waiting in Canberra for that once-in-a-generation event to be a part of - and I find myself stuck in Melbourne! So on the 13th February 2008, while sitting in a union conference in Melbourne, I listened to the Prime Minister deliver the National Apology. Mr Rudd said sorry:
  • For the laws and policies of successive parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on our fellow Australians.
  • For the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country.
  • For the pain, suffering and hurt of the Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind.
  • For the breaking up of families and communities.
  • For the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture.

Just over a decade ago, on 26th May 1998, a 'Sorry Day' was held to mark one year after the tabling in Federal Parliament of a report of the National Inquiry into the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families – or what is more commonly known as the “Bringing Them Home” report. Today we honour that tradition, but we do so in unique circumstances – a key recommendation in the “Bringing Them Home” report was that Indigenous people affected by policies of forced removal should receive an acknowledgement of responsibility and apology from all Australian parliaments and other agencies which implemented policies of forcible removal. Symbolically, that recommendation was implemented just a few months ago and this is the first National Sorry Day commemorating, rather than calling for, a National Apology.

The National Apology was at least a step in the right direction, focusing particularly on the Stolen Generations – but importantly; it went further in that it acknowledged “the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture”. This last point is very important and I would like to relate it back to the University of Canberra.

You may be aware that the University of Canberra has a 39 Step Strategic Plan to reinvigorate this place. Fittingly, Step 1 is to “Ensure that respect for Australia's traditional owners and concern for their current circumstances influences our plans and actions”. Step 39 is to: “Set and meet ambitious targets and standards, as a signatory to the Talloires (pronounced Tal-Whar) Declaration, to reduce our ecological footprint”. Much like the novel by John Buchan, the “39 Steps” has its meaning in a thread that runs through the whole story. And this story is applicable to today’s ceremony.

Global warming, environmental degradation and rampant capitalism and consumerism mean that survival of the species will be an issue for future generations. Following at least the official end to 220 years of institutionalised racism, it is fitting that we acknowledge the “proud people” and “proud culture” who represent the oldest surviving culture in the world. These people interacted with the land in sustainable ways for some 40,000 to 80,000 years, whereas so-called “civilized peoples” have destroyed natural wonders in this Great Land in a handful of generations. The pluralist Aboriginal society with its traditional laws and customs provides many lessons for a sustainable future and the National Apology was the first step in rectifying the racist attitudes of Australian society in the last 220 years. But has it really changed the way we do things here? Do we have the courage to ensure that the indignity and degradation brought upon Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people by institutionalised racism does not keep happening?

The National Apology was not the end of the reconciliation process. Indeed, it is only the beginning. March and Olsen refer to institutions as the “rules, routines, and procedures” which order political life; the “way things are done here”, if you like. Well may we say that the National Apology broke with the tradition of stalling the reconciliation process, but do not be fooled. The “Bringing Them Home” report also called for compensation, but this has been deliberately excluded from the political discourse. The “way things are done here” hasn’t really changed, and it will be up to people like those gathered here to keep putting the issues back on the political agenda. So while we celebrate this year’s National Sorry Day and the year that was, we must not let the momentum stall or the symbolism of the National Apology will be just that – a symbol. In closing, let me say that the proud Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and the sustainable culture they established in a history spanning tens of thousands of years is very relevant to humanity today, and while symbolism is an important First Step, there is still much work to be done.

Broadband Budget 2008

© Depositphotos.com/@iqoncept
Nation-building is back on the agenda and the very capable Sir Rod Eddington (1) will lead the mammoth task of remedying the mistakes of the decade in which Australia forgot to build infrastructure. Nonetheless, broadband seems to be in a state of flux, with nobody really sure of where it fits in with the nation-building project. I am convinced this is because politicians, policy makers, businesses and community groups are struggling to come to grips with a ‘viral’ communications network which spreads ‘virally’ when left to its own devices. Much like the economists’ free market mantra, ‘free’ networks tend to resist central control and will connect people who want to be connected if only these networks are allowed to do so (2). Kevin Rudd, when talking about the nation-building project during the election campaign, referred to nation-building in the 19th century as all about building railways, whereas in the 21st century it was all about building broadband networks. The trouble with this analogy is that broadband is not a railway, it is an entire transport system (3). But at least it is more palatable to hear about broadband from Stephen Conroy than it is to hear from the likes of Bill Heffernan who claimed to have ‘never sent an e-mail in [his] life’ (4).

A perusal of the 2008 Portfolio Budget Statements for the appropriately-named Department of Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy (5) indicates that a coherent plan is in place. First, $4.7 billion has been allocated for the National Broadband Network in an attempt to bring 12 gigabyte broadband connections to 98% of the Australian population. Second, the remaining 2% of the Australian population will have access to the additional $271 million which extends the existing Australian Broadband Guarantee. This Guarantee is designed to subsidise a ‘metro-comparable’, 512kbps download/128kbps upload data speed, minimum 1 gigabyte per month download limited connection where the cost exceeds $2,500 per year (approximately $208 per month). Hardly ‘metro-comparable’, but such a connection is better than nothing if you happen to live in the middle of nowhere.

Last week I had the opportunity to address the Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee (6) at a public meeting in Sydney. At this meeting, I presented early research findings from my comparison of broadband infrastructure deployment in Canada and Australia. My major thrust was that greater community involvement led to greater connectivity, but the Australian way of ‘doing’ communications policy tended to limit the involvement of citizens and therefore their ability to communicate using broadband technologies. Somewhat to my surprise, my presentation was well received not only by the committee but also by the participants who were mostly representatives of a wide range of rural community groups. These groups presented many stories about how local efforts to utilise broadband networks had worked quite well until ‘Big Brother’ had taken away their right to use the network, and also how they had been regarded as ‘fools’ by authorities and other ‘people in the “know”’ when they complained about specific telecommunications problems in their local areas. While I was pleased that the anecdotal evidence confirmed my research, I was particularly appalled at how my hypothesis was substantially proven by the lived reality of these very passionate and capable representatives from ‘the bush’.

I would never pretend to have all the answers on broadband, but one thing is very clear. The centralised control of communications networks will help the federal bureaucracy to control how the federally-funded network is used - even more so the winner of the $4.7 billion tender. The problem is that people won’t use the federally-controlled communications network unless it is free to be used in a fashion in which people get to choose how they use it. In the meantime, it appears that the $4.7 billion federal investment in the National Broadband Network will go to one of either two major competitors (7) who do not have ‘open access’ as a major goal. The paradox really gets up my nose in that the typical economist’s free market dogma is driving the approach to broadband infrastructure investment being ‘open’ to ‘competitive forces’, whereas communications networks are conveniently excluded from the same ‘free trade’ dogma.

Free trade was originally intended to circumvent those unscrupulous people who made profits (through measures such as tariffs and tolls) by controlling the transport routes which enabled the real business of trade in goods and services. Well guess what? The Internet provides the modern conduit for trade, but it is the unscrupulous people who are applying the tariffs and tolls again! So while the anti-‘open source’ crowd make claims of the ‘communism’ associated with ‘open networks’ (8), the free-traders are decidedly absent from the broadband debate. Maybe the 'free trade' ideology has proven to be self-serving after all? Or maybe my 'inadvertent' collection of toll receipts (9) (from the supposedly simple trip from Canberra to Sydney which still burns a hole in my wallet) was such that I couldn't help but think it is time for a new type of 'free trade' debate. Or maybe the old free traders have just been around for so long that they have forgotten about the tyranny of tolls and tariffs which fuelled their cause originally? Anyway - it's like preaching to the choir here - the people who need to know simply don't know about broadband :( and the free traders who [intellectually] should have been involved in the debate all went the way of Howard and Edmund Burke! (10).

Notes:
(1) Albanese, A. (2008) ‘Sir Rod Eddington Appointed to Head Infrastructure Australia’. Media Release. URL: http://www.minister.infrastructure.gov.au/aa/releases/2008/february/aa014_2008.htm (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(2) Rhodes, R.A.W. (1996) 'The New Governance: Governing without Government.' Political Studies. Vol. 44:652-67.

(3) de Percy, M. (2008) ‘Broadbanding the Nation: Lessons from Canada or Shortcomings in Australian Federalism? In Australia Under Construction: Nation-building past, present and future. Canberra: ANU e-Press. URL: http://epress.anu.edu.au/anzsog/auc/mobile_devices/ch10.html (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(4) Burke, N. (2007) ‘PM's right hand man asks: what's email?’ The Daily Telegraph. URL: http://www.news.com.au/story/0,23599,21434598-421,00.html (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(5) Department of Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy (2008) 'Agency resources and planned performance'. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. URL: http://www.dbcde.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/83695/PBS_2008-09_DBCDE.pdf (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(6) Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee (2008) ‘A review of the adequacy of telecommunications services in regional, rural and remote parts of Australia’. URL: http://www.rtirc.gov.au/home (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(7) Australian Associated Press (2008) ‘$4.7bn for national broadband network’. URL: http://www.news.com.au/business/money/story/0,25479,23694523-14327,00.html (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(8) See Blankenhorn, D. & Rooney, P. (2005) ‘Is open source communist?’. URL: http://blogs.zdnet.com/open-source/index.php?p=210 (Accessed 14 May 2008).

(9) Any outsider who drives through Sydney these days will be appalled by the highway robbery which is performed with the use of 'legitimate' yet confusing roadsigns which all read "e-Pay only this way" until you inadvertently end up at a toll booth where you get to pay about $5 for the privilege of being lost in a maze of poor signage. Why the equivalent of the 1789 French Revolution (to the power of 60 billion) hasn't occurred yet in Sydney is beyond me. But still, it is way cheaper to drive the 260 km from Canberra to Sydney and return, even taking into account the minimum $20 parking per day (and don't forget those 'inadvertent' tolls from your friendly NSW highway robbers!), than it is to spend the average $250 return flight (without counting the $80 taxi fare each way!).

(10) Howard's claim that the Liberal Party was a combination of the philosophies of John Stuart Mill and Edmund Burke would have had no impact upon Burke whatsoever (he accepted the American Revolution while denying the legitimacy of the French Revolution and would no doubt have empathised with Mr Howard) but would make J.S.M. (a fan of 'combinations' or unions) roll in his grave!
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